The Darkest Side Of ISIS *Warning MATURE AUDIENCES ONLY

Amongst the ashes of the Syrian Civil War emerged one of the most barbaric and violent groups to have ever existed—a group so violent that even Al-Qaeda considered them their enemy. Rising from a small armed band to one of the Middle East’s most feared fighting forces, the abuses committed by ISIS were some of the most savage since the death camps of World War II. Slavery, crucifixion, beheadings, and genocide are just some of their crimes. For almost ten years, thousands of innocents lived under their harsh and bloody regime.

The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, better known as ISIS, ISIL, or Daesh, came to prominence in 2013, emerging as a central player in the Syrian Civil War. They were on no one’s side, fighting against the government forces of Assad, the Kurdish YPG, the Free Syrian Army, Hezbollah, and anyone else who opposed their ideology.

The group was originally formed in 1999, but like many other small Al-Qaeda-affiliated militias, it remained in relative obscurity. Many of its fighters and top commanders were captured or killed during the war in Iraq by a combination of American forces and the Sons of Iraq militia. By 2008, the group had almost been wiped out, with even its own members declaring it to be in an:

“Extraordinary crisis.”

In 2010, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi became the group’s new leader. His leadership revitalized the group, allowing it to become one of the world’s most feared terrorist organizations. As the civil war in Syria began, thousands of ISIS fighters were sent across the border from Iraq with the end goal of establishing a strict Islamic caliphate governed by Sharia law, with al-Baghdadi as its head.

At its peak in 2014, ISIS controlled over 100,000 square kilometers of land. The group ruled over 30% of Syria and 40% of Iraq, with small pockets of territory elsewhere in the Middle East and Africa. Upon entry into the Syrian Civil War, their manpower grew quickly. They achieved this by conquering other Islamic forces and assimilating them into their ranks. By one estimation, ISIS had 80,000 soldiers by August 2014.

They managed to win victory after victory against their enemies, often due to their violent reputation. Many of their opponents—whether Iraqi militias, Syrian government forces, or anti-Assad rebels—would rather flee than fight, as they were well aware that if defeated, their deaths would be slow and painful. Many uniformed soldiers, when facing an oncoming ISIS attack, would strip down to civilian clothes and flee.

After sweeping through Syria and Iraq, the Islamic caliphate of ISIS was proclaimed. They controlled an area roughly the size of Iceland or Tennessee, with its capital city being Raqqa in Syria. The caliphate would fall in 2017 when Raqqa and Mosul fell to pro-democratic Iraqi and Syrian forces, but this would not be the end of ISIS and its hold on the area.

Ideology

The Islamic State followed an extreme form of Sunni Islam called Wahhabism. Wahhabism called for the cleansing of Islam and the purging of groups who supposedly defiled the religion with false teachings and incorrect morals. It was an apocalyptic sect, expecting the end times to arrive after ISIS had defeated the enemies of Islam and reestablished the early Islamic Rashidun Caliphate, which was formed immediately after the death of the Islamic Prophet Muhammad.

The ideology glorified murder and maintained that spilling the blood of apostates and heretics was the best way to attain Paradise in the next life. Anyone who did not ascribe to this strict ideology was seen as an enemy—as vermin that required extermination. It persecuted non-Muslims heavily, but held a particular hatred for Shia Muslims, who were viewed as perverting and desecrating the true Islamic religion.

The law of the caliphate was Sharia law. Slavery of certain classes was legal, while women were stripped of their rights and seen as the property of their husbands. They could not walk the streets alone, domestic abuse was legal, and they were unable to seek divorce. Criminal acts such as stealing were punished harshly, with those convicted of thievery having a hand amputated. All manner of cruel punishments were used, from crucifixion and beheadings to being burned at the stake.

Acts of supposed female morality were policed by the all-women Al-Khansa Brigade. They patrolled the streets enforcing dress codes and controlling the public actions of women. Women could be arrested for many offenses, such as walking the streets without a male chaperone, wearing revealing or form-fitting robes, or not acting meek enough when confronted with authority.

The ideology was so extreme and committed so many heinous acts that even other Islamic terrorist groups spoke out against it. Even the Amir of Al-Qaeda, a group responsible for killing countless innocent people, said of the Islamic State’s actions:

“Such acts affect the protected blood of women, children, and non-combatant Shia public who are protected because they are excused for their ignorance.”

Slavery and Genocide

Both Syria and Iraq are home to many ethnic and religious minorities. The Yazidis, Mandaeans, Assyrians, Turkmen, Druze, and many more were all victims of ISIS. For some groups, the motives were religious; for others, political. In accordance with their extremely strict interpretations of Sharia law, ISIS believed in and practiced the genocide of minority men and the enslavement of their women.

Thousands of women were forced into sexual slavery, purchased and sold at auction like livestock. Under the laws of the caliphate, these women had no rights and, much like the chattel slavery of the 18th and 19th centuries, were viewed merely as property. The slave trade was viewed as an important source of income for the so-called Islamic caliphate and was regulated by governing authorities.

In 2014, a document regulating the prices of these slaves was released and verified as genuine. It outlined prices for Yazidi and Christian women of differing ages: those aged between 40 and 50 were the least expensive at $43, while the most costly were girls under 9 years of age, who were sold for $172.

The Yazidi people of Syria were a principal target for ISIS, who wished to eradicate their men and enslave their women. The Yazidis follow a pre-islamic religion that ISIS considers a form of devil worship, making them guilty of heresy and stripping them of any protection under the law.

Yazidi villages in the Sinjar region were attacked, resulting in numerous massacres. Entire male populations were wiped out in many villages. Many were shot, though others suffered incredibly, with reports and video footage documenting people being burned to death, buried alive, or beheaded.

On August 3, 2014, ISIS launched a large-scale attack on Sinjar Province. In each town or village, tens or hundreds of people were brutally murdered, with much of the bloodshed filmed for propaganda. Many of these areas were inhabited by both Yazidis and Sunni Muslims. Despite having lived together in relative peace, many of the Sunnis collaborated with the invading ISIS forces, revealing where to find Yazidi families or tricking Yazidis into remaining in the area.

Over 200,000 people fled, with 50,000 taking refuge among the Sinjar Mountains. Those who remained were forced to convert to Sunni Islam or face death. The Yazidis were not considered “People of the Book,” so unlike some Christians, they were not given the option of paying the jizya—a tax paid by certain groups to continue living unharmed within the caliphate.

The Yazidis atop Mount Sinjar were completely cut off from the outside world without access to food, water, or medicine, while ISIS militants advanced closer every day under artillery fire. Kurdish forces—aided by British and American airstrikes as well as food and medicine dropped from the air—eventually broke the siege, but not before thousands had been killed, tortured, and enslaved.

The Turkmen of Iraq were also viewed as enemies of the caliphate. Despite being majority Sunni Muslim, they were seen as a potential fifth column and natural enemies due to their ethnic ties with Turkey, an enemy of the Islamic State. The first actions against the Turkmen came in June 2014 after the capture of Tal Afar, a city comprised almost entirely of Turkmen. Three hundred were massacred while 1,300 were abducted; the Iraqi Turkmen Front later reported that only 42 ever returned.

By September, over 350,000 Turkmen had been forced to flee due to violence and starvation. By February of the following year, this figure nearly doubled to 600,000. Around 600 Turkmen women were also sold into sexual slavery, often transported from Iraq to female slave prisons in Syria. These women were either forcefully married to ISIS fighters or used as slaves by multiple militants. Many Turkmen left their ancestral homes during the conflict, and most have yet to return.

Many of these minority groups formed local militias to protect their homes and families. They were vastly outnumbered, had little access to heavy weapons, and lacked the funding to purchase ammunition and rifles. Groups such as the Sinjar Resistance Units, Nineveh Plains Forces, and Turkmen Brigades fought valiantly, but were ineffective on their own. Most of their successes came when working alongside the Kurdish Peshmerga. If ISIS had not eventually been defeated, these minorities would have been entirely exterminated or enslaved.

Funding the Caliphate

Though unrecognized by all foreign governments, the Islamic State functioned as a small country. It had to organize electricity production, water distribution, construction projects, arms manufacturing, and healthcare, as well as pay its soldiers and government workers. To meet these needs, it required a stable source of income.

Much of its funding came from the sale of crude oil and illicit drugs, as well as donations from foreign supporters and revenue generated through taxation. Like any country, the Islamic State levied taxes on its subjects. Those employed in non-combat roles were forced to pay zakat, a tax based on owned assets. Merchants and traders paid ushr, a tariff on imported and exported goods. Fighters were also taxed on their ghanima (spoils of war); this tax, called khums, required them to hand over 20% of all captured goods.

Exposing their true roots as a criminal enterprise, they also practiced extortion, threatening to destroy businesses or property if protection fees were not paid. Burglaries of banks and jewelry shops were also common.

Oil was one of the state’s primary sources of income. It was sold domestically within ISIS-controlled areas and traded on the black market to foreign nations. ISIS sold crude oil mainly to local, independent traders directly from the pump. It was then transported to refineries operated by private businesses which, depending on their technology, produced either petrol or mazut—a low-quality fuel oil that generates far more pollution than petrol or diesel.

The most “advanced” refineries were crude steel tanks heated by open bonfires built underneath. The process mirrored alcohol distillation: the oil was heated and vaporized, traveling through pipes in the furnace roof before cooling and dripping into a large, plastic-lined trench. The carcinogenic residue left behind would solidify at the bottom of the tanks and required constant manual removal. This dangerous task usually fell to young teenage boys whose small frames could fit inside the tanks.

Every part of this process was potentially deadly. The vessels were at constant risk of exploding, and the toxic fumes and pollution were equally hazardous. Surrounding areas were coated in oily soot, and frequent oil spills destroyed the environment while workers inhaled toxic fumes all day.

One refinery worker described the reality of the work:

“We’re committing a slow suicide to provide for our children for a few years, until God shows us a way out.”

These industrial oil fields were constant targets of British, American, and Syrian government airstrikes. Much of the oil revenue came from international transactions with buyers in Turkey, Iran, Jordan, and Iraq. Because this trade was illegal, the origin of the crude oil had to be disguised before refinement.

Oil was sold well below market rates, making it a lucrative business for willing buyers. It was transported across borders through various smuggling routes; in some cases, it was sold to legitimate oil traders who blended it with legal oil to hide its origin. In other cases, it was driven directly into Turkey to be refined or loaded onto oil tankers alongside legitimate cargo.

One oil smuggler, a former intelligence officer under Saddam Hussein, stated that 28 tons of ISIS oil could be purchased for $4,200, transported to Jordan, and resold for $15,000. The United States also accused Syria’s Assad regime of purchasing oil from ISIS, despite the two being mortal enemies.

At the peak of the Islamic State’s power, oil production and sales were believed to bring in $1 million per day, with some estimates reaching up to $3 million daily. However, as the beating heart of ISIS, these oil refineries came under relentless air bombardment. By the end of 2015, production capacity had dropped dramatically, with daily income falling to around $660,000.

As former territories were liberated, funds dried up. ISIS lost thousands of oil wells, control over profitable fertilizer and cement plants, and thousands of taxpayers. In desperation, the group turned to the illicit drug trade.

Fenethylline, commonly known as Captagon, was a popular stimulant in the Gulf States and the broader Arab world. It was widely used by jihadist fighters to increase endurance, stave off hunger, and numb fear. Despite Islamic prohibitions against intoxicating drugs, ISIS manufactured and sold Captagon while allowing its own soldiers to consume it.

ISIS-affiliated groups across North Africa and the Middle East, which paid taxes to the caliphate, were also involved in trafficking cannabis and hashish or providing armed security for narcotics gangs. ISIS rivaled the most powerful drug cartels in production and trafficking capability. In 2020, Italian authorities seized 14 tons of Syrian-produced Captagon—84 million tablets worth $1 billion—marking the world’s largest single amphetamine seizure. In 2018, Free Syrian Army fighters discovered another cache of drugs valued at $1.4 million.

Some organizations believe the illegal trade in antiques and artifacts was their second-largest source of income. At one point, ISIS controlled 30% of Iraq’s significant historic sites, alongside many in Syria. Numerous artifacts were destroyed for being pre-Islamic or deemed “un-Islamic,” while those not destroyed were sold on the black market.

Khaled al-Asaad, a prominent Syrian archaeologist, was tortured and murdered for trying to protect these antiquities. As ISIS forces closed in on the ancient city of Tadmur (Palmyra), he evacuated its most prized artifacts to prevent their destruction or sale. He was held in prison for a week and brutally tortured, but refused to reveal where the artifacts were hidden.

He was then executed, and his body was publicly displayed in the ancient city with a placard labeling him:

“Apostate”

The End of the Caliphate

After years of heavy fighting and unimaginable bloodshed, the self-declared caliphate collapsed. By December 2017, Iraqi forces had successfully retaken all territory once held by ISIS. By early 2019, all that remained of the once-feared caliphate was the small Syrian village of Al-Baghuz. The Syrian Democratic Forces launched their final attack on February 9, liberating the last remnant of the Islamic State.

While the territorial caliphate is no more, ISIS still exists. Numerous ISIS-affiliated groups remain active, and other terrorist organizations have pledged allegiance to them. Affiliates in Africa control territory in Mali, Nigeria, and Somalia, while other cells hold no land but continue to carry out violent attacks against civilians. Additionally, many individuals radicalized online carry out attacks in ISIS’s name despite never having direct physical contact with the group.

As perhaps the most powerful terrorist organization the world has ever seen, its reach spanned the globe, with attacks executed in 29 countries—from Britain to Syria, India, Australia, the Philippines, Russia, and beyond. The Moscow theater attack on March 22, 2024, in which four ISIS gunmen killed 144 people and injured 551 others, demonstrates that the group retains the capacity to carry out its bloodthirsty agenda.